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The Trailer: Click, donate, lose: Do Democrats have a candidate glut?

The Washington Post logo The Washington Post 5/13/2021 David Weigel

In this edition: The rise of the Resistance Twitter candidate, Lin Wood's campaign to run the South Carolina GOP, and the beginning of our 44-part series on redistricting.

Remember to be safe and store your hoarded gasoline in two plastic bags, not one. This is The Trailer.

a herd of cattle standing on top of a grass covered field: Cattle wait to be fed at dawn in Loma, Colo., on Oct. 26, 2019. (Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post) © Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post Cattle wait to be fed at dawn in Loma, Colo., on Oct. 26, 2019. (Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post)

Colorado Democrats still don't know what to think about Gregg H. Smith. 

On Jan. 30, as Rep. Lauren Boebert (R) faced a backlash for her support of the Jan. 6 Capitol insurrection to overturn the presidential election, Smith tweeted that he had “tested the waters” and would challenge the freshman congresswoman as a Democrat. His tweet went viral, with celebrities like Mark Ruffalo and Edward Norton smashing the RT button. 

But Smith had registered as a Democrat just 24 hours earlier, and local Democrats had no idea who he was. He had not had conversations with party leaders. He had few ties to the district. Although no other Democrat had announced against Boebert yet, several experienced candidates were about to, and Smith had blunted their momentum. Bri Buentello, a 31-year old Democrat who'd just lost reelection to the state House of Representatives in the area, called Smith a “ridiculous fraud,” and wasn't surprised when, six weeks later, Smith ended his campaign.

“He was literally getting money from celebrities and he was a candidate who in no way shape or form could win in the 3rd Congressional District,” Buentello said in an interview. “It really infuriated me. It was like, to quote ‘Mean Girls’ — he doesn’t even go here!”

Smith has vanished since leaving the race, deleting his Twitter and Facebook accounts, and could not be reached for comment. As Democrats work to hold their congressional majorities in 2022, one of their Trump-era advantages — a revved-up, donation-happy, online base — has developed a downside. Candidates with compelling stories and viral ads can raise money fast, even if they lack grass-roots enthusiasm inside their districts.

“The possibility for having a video go viral and raise a bunch of money online — that culture wasn’t there four years ago,” said Amanda Litman, the founder of Run for Something, which has recruited and trained thousands of first-time Democratic candidates since its launch after the 2016 election. “A lack of gatekeepers is broadly a good thing, but it also leaves the door open to grifters.”

Smith did not raise much money for his brief campaign, reporting around $61,000 in receipts in his only FEC filing. Other candidates with little local support, or no real chance at victory, have raised far more. In 2020, Republicans watched with frustration as millions of dollars were donated to candidates challenging high-profile Democrats like New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Minnesota Rep. Ilhan Omar, incumbents in safely blue seats. 

In that same cycle, Maryland Republican Kim Klacik raised $2 million with a viral 2020 ad that portrayed her walking around dilapidated Baltimore streets. It made her famous; it was also squandered GOP money in a district Joe Biden would carry by 58 points. Last month, Republican Dan Rodimer raised nearly $350,000 on the strength of viral ads that were ridiculed by voters in Texas's 6th Congressional District, winning him just 2,083 votes.

At the same time, Democrats wound up locked out of the runoff in that Texas district. That was largely because of weak base turnout, in a race the national party opted not to invest in. But the party was also hurt by voter confusion. One candidate, educator Shawn Lassiter, outraised the field with an ad that clocked nearly 700,000 views, boosted on Twitter by celebrities and popular liberal accounts. Lassiter had been lagging badly behind in the early vote, but ran stronger on Election Day, without turning out enough Democrats to make the runoff. Jana Lynne Sanchez, who had run for the seat in 2018 but lost momentum in the special election, missed the runoff by a few hundred votes, far fewer than the number who'd voted for Lassiter.

“They splintered our coalition,” said Rep. Ruben Gallego of Arizona, who leads the Congressional Hispanic Caucus's BOLD PAC, which supported Sanchez. Consultants who saw promise in Lassiter, and online donors who didn't know much about the race, had backed a candidate who couldn't make the runoff, while “progressive and Democratic groups had a qualified, proven campaigner” they didn't get behind.

The ironic Democratic problem is enthusiasm. Online donors have grown used to supporting candidates with a straightforward pitch and a winnable-sounding race; consultants have gotten better at packaging campaigns to attract those donors, however long their candidates' odds of victory might be. 

Run for Something's Litman summed up the pitch in a single, tweetable sentence: “I’m [insert name here] and I’m [insert occupation here], and I'm going to beat [insert terrible Republican here].” It was difficult, she said, for “your average resistance tweeter” to dig in and see which candidates had a shot — or which candidates did have a shot, but were being sidelined for sexist or clubby reasons.

That's led to paranoia about which campaigns are real, and which look designed to grab donations without crossing the finish line. It has also frustrated some Democrats who see the most viral candidates grabbing attention before better-organized candidates get mobilized. 

In New Mexico, attorney Randi McGinn jumped early into the race to succeed Interior Secretary Deb Haaland, and had some credibility from years of party work, including a four-minute video of praise from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.). The nominee would be chosen by 200 delegates at an online convention, and the best-known Democrats in the race focused on winning them over. 

McGinn made a splashier play, paying nearly $100,000 to Jacobson & Zilber, a California media and strategy firm with a solid win record, which produced a series of election-ready ads that ran online. Her campaign sent mail to around 20,000 Democrats, urging them to become delegates, in a play to expand the electorate.

“We did mail, phone programs, we did postcard campaigns,” said her general consultant, Jon Lipschutz.

“We’re running a real campaign from the get-go,” McGinn said in an interview in February, as the race got underway. “We’re ready to go on the very first day of the general election.”

McGinn would end up placing third in the eight-way convention, with Democrats confused by her strategy. After an introduction on Twitter, she shared nothing there for the campaign's final weeks; as of today, she has thousands more followers than state Rep. Melanie Stansbury, the party's nominee. McGinn raised nearly $500,000 for her race, three times as much as Stansbury. The New Mexico district, which backed Joe Biden by 23 points, votes on June 1 and will test Democrats' enthusiasm ahead of the midterms. 

In other races, Democrats are wary of campaigns that have cracked the Twitter-donor code without building support in the district. Jacobson & Zilber also helped Gregg H. Smith's campaign, with partner David Jacobson heading to Colorado after he saw the viral tweet and shooting a compelling ad that focused on the former independent's military background. 

“He called the party, nobody called him back, and he decided to do what he did,” said Jacobson. “It was a patriotic thing for Gregg Smith to step up when he didn’t see anybody else running.”

Reading list

a car parked on a city street: Cars wait in line to refuel at a Shell station in Alexandria, Va., on Wednesday. (Craig Hudson for The Washington Post) © Craig Hudson/For the Washington Post Cars wait in line to refuel at a Shell station in Alexandria, Va., on Wednesday. (Craig Hudson for The Washington Post)

“Economic tremors hit White House at crucial moment for Biden policy agenda,” by Jeff Stein, Rachel Siegel and Andrew Van Dam

How a burst of mediocre-to-bad news could affect the Democrats' big plans.

“Yang walks back stance on Israel after Ocasio-Cortez calls it ‘shameful,’ ” by Mihir Zavari and Liam Stack

The conflict in the Middle East rattles New York's mayoral candidates.

“Inside Liz Cheney’s plan to take on former president Donald Trump,” by Michael Scherer and Josh Dawsey

The long game of the exiled GOP leader.

“Inside Arizona’s election audit, GOP fraud fantasies live on,” by Jonathan J. Cooper and Bob Christie

It's getting weirder at the state fairgrounds in Phoenix.

“Biden works to seize a political edge as the GOP faces turmoil,” by Matt Viser

Can Democrats take advantage of Republicans' Trump-centric infighting?

“The fight to draw Florida's new district is on,” by Matt Dixon

A look inside a Republican legislature's options.

Ad watch

a man wearing glasses: Former Ohio state senator Nina Turner (Salwan Georges/The Washington Post) © Salwan Georges/The Washington Post Former Ohio state senator Nina Turner (Salwan Georges/The Washington Post)

Nina Turner, “Voice.” The Ohio Democrat's strongest rival hit her last week for criticizing Joe Biden in 2020, when Turner co-chaired the campaign of Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.). Turner has emphasized the rest of her political résumé in this race, but she combines both parts in her full bio spot, which spends 41 seconds on her life in Cleveland before getting to Sanders, emphasizing that she fought to “make the wealthy pay their fair share.” Sanders badly lost Ohio's 11th Congressional District in his two primary bids, but his policies polled incredibly well with Democrats.

Kathryn Garcia, “Break Glass.” The New York City mayoral candidate began running this ad before the New York Times's endorsement, which called her a “go-to problem solver.” That was the image she wanted to project, dramatized here with Garcia inside a giant fire alarm. She pulls on a leather jacket as she describes her successes, such as “pumping out water during Hurricane Sandy” and “delivering a million meals a day during the pandemic.” The alarm glass shatters, Garcia brushes it off, and walks toward some off-screen crisis.

Eric Adams, “Hands.” Black support and name ID in Brooklyn, where he's borough president, have kept Adams near the top of polls in the New York City race. His first ad doesn't get specific about his agenda, focusing instead on his biography, the most compelling in the race: “I was beaten by police at 15, so I became a police officer, to battle racism.” Newspaper headlines describing his plans appear on-screen as he promises to be a “blue-collar mayor.”

Ray McGuire, “Jobs.” The former Citi executive's biography is a problem for Democratic primary voters in New York City. The bank is not mentioned by name here, at all. “He's managed budgets bigger than state budgets and he's led thousands of workers for decades,” a narrator says, referring to a plan McGuire would implement to create “500,000 jobs fast.”

DGA Action, “Loyalist.” Glenn Youngkin never ran for office before securing the GOP nomination for governor of Virginia last weekend. Democrats want to prevent him from pivoting to the middle by highlighting his support from former president Donald Trump. The DGA put a little money behind this digital effort to brand Youngkin, using the same bare clip of Trump praising him (“Glenn Youngkin of Carlyle”) that the candidate used throughout his primary.

Special elections

Voters in Texas's 6th Congressional District will fill its vacancy on July 27, a date set Monday by Gov. Greg Abbott (R), after the canvass of the May 1 election was complete. There will be just five days of early voting in the runoff between two Republican candidates — Susan Wright, widow of Rep. Ron Wright, and state Rep. Jake Ellzey, who narrowly lost a 2018 primary for this seat.

The first days after the all-party primary were consumed by Democratic recriminations, with activist Jana Lynne Sanchez warning that the party would lose in 2022 if it didn't mobilize quickly — and several weaker Democrats getting blamed for splitting the party's vote, locking Sanchez out of the runoff. The all-Republican runoff started at a lower volume, with Ellzey brushing off the boost Donald Trump had given Wright with his last-minute endorsement of her.

“I don't know how much of a difference the president's endorsement made,” Ellzey told the district's local CBS affiliate. Wright, he suggested, might have run stronger with Election Day voters than early voters because of the Club for Growth's ad campaign against him. “I don't know why they're doing it, but they did it,” he said, adding that Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) had “parroted the same talking points” about him, and that voters would “see through it.”

The Trump endorsement is the main dividing line in the race, with Ellzey and Wright agreeing on policy: opposing the Biden spending packages, and securing the border. “I want to continue the strong ‘America First’ agenda that [Ron] was so supportive of,” Wright said in an interview with Newsmax, calling the Democratic lockout “a repudiation of the Biden administration.”

In Florida's 20th Congressional District, voters now have dates for elections to replace the late Rep. Alcee L. Hastings. But at least one candidate is still angry at the timeline, which leaves the safely Democratic seat vacant until January. Elvin Downing, an author and activist, filed a lawsuit days before Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) set the election, arguing that constituents were disenfranchised by a nine-month vacancy when DeSantis had the power to schedule it much sooner.

“My dad dedicated his entire life to ensuring the disenfranchised and underrepresented would have a voice,” Hastings's son, Alcee III, said at a news conference with Downing this week. “If he were here today, he would be appalled that the governor would have the audacity to leave this seat open.” The state's constitution gives the governor unfettered power to set the date; the state's past two vacancies, which occurred under now-Sen. Rick Scott (R), came after Republicans had died or retired, and were filled within five months.


a person riding a horse drawn carriage on a city street: Protesters wave Palestinian flags near a rally that was held in solidarity with Palestinians in Chicago on Wednesday. (Joshua Housing/AP) © Joshua Housing/AP Protesters wave Palestinian flags near a rally that was held in solidarity with Palestinians in Chicago on Wednesday. (Joshua Housing/AP)

All 50 states will draw new legislative districts this year, and the 44 of them with multiple congressional districts will draw new lines for the 2022 elections. They'll do so under added pressure, with data delayed by last year's pandemic restrictions and the fumbling Trump administration effort to keep noncitizens out of the count. But the work is underway, and The Trailer will be looking at each state's math, process, and political goals. 

That starts today, with Illinois, the bluest state in the modern Midwest, and the only one where Republicans have no role in drawing maps.

Current delegation: 18 seats, 13 held by Democrats and five held by Republicans.

Next delegation: 17 seats.

Who runs redistricting: Democrats do, just as they did in 2011. Although Gov. J.B. Pritzker (D) endorsed nonpartisan redistricting in his 2018 race, he has dropped his opposition to a Democratic gerrymander, saying generally that he would sign an “equitable” map and reject a “partisan” one. (Two mid-decade efforts to put nonpartisan redistricting on the ballot were killed by Democrats.)

“He said he'd veto a map that was drawn by politicians,” said Rep. Jim Durkin, the Republican leader in the state House of Representatives. “He's going back on what he promised voters.”

Battered by the scandals that took down longtime House Speaker Mike Madigan, Democrats in Springfield have worked to draw their new state legislative map quickly, before a May 30 deadline. (The deadline for new congressional district maps is undefined.) If they miss that deadline, the mapmaking power will go to a committee composed of an equal number of Republicans and Democrats; if that committee deadlocks, a tiebreaking member would be added randomly, giving Republicans a shot at running the process.

Republicans have taken full advantage of the bad optics. Democrats have been filing into the room where maps are being drawn, and the opposition party has been kept out

What could change: When the legislature turns to the congressional map, it will be looking to keep the Democrats' sizable advantage, one that will rely far more on the Chicago suburbs than on formerly blue parts of downstate. In 2011, the party undid some of the GOP's midterm gains by adding more Democratic precincts to then-Rep. Bobby Schilling's northwest Illinois seat, doing the same to then-Rep. Joe Walsh's Chicagoland seat, and packing Rep. Adam Kinzinger into a district with fellow Republican Rep. Don Manzullo. Democrats unseated both Schilling and Walsh, and Kinzinger beat Manzullo.

But the northwest and southwest districts did what Democrats did not expect in 2011: They trended away from their party. Rep. Cheri Bustos, the Democrat who beat Schilling, did so when Barack Obama was carrying the new 17th Congressional District by 17 points. By 2020, the seat, which stretches from the Quad Cities to Rockford, had swung to the GOP: Bustos barely held on as Trump won it by two points. Democrats drew the 12th district to give them another downstate seat, but Rep. Mike Bost (R) flipped it in 2014, and the Democratic Party gave up on even challenging him by 2020, when Trump carried the district by 14 points. (Obama had carried it by two points.)

Despite that, Democrats actually gained ground in the state by 2020. How? The same assumptions that created those “blue” downstate districts led them to create “red” suburban districts, two of which abandoned the GOP in the Trump years. They'd drawn the 6th Congressional District as a Republican vote sink, with a seven-point GOP advantage. Rep. Sean Casten (D) flipped it in 2018, and held it easily in 2020, as Trump lost the district by 13 points. The same thing happened in the 14th Congressional District, which backed Mitt Romney by 10 points in 2012, then backed Joe Biden by two points last year, a performance that helped 2018 winner Rep. Lauren Underwood (D) hold on.

Who could lose out: Bustos announced her retirement last month, increasing the likelihood that Democrats carve Republican precincts out of her district and pack it into the safely GOP downstate seats. Twelve of the current 18 districts cover all or part of Cook County; that's going to be the focal point for the new map, as Democratic gains in the suburbs will make it easier to draw friendly seats. 

One example? The party drew the current 10th Congressional District by packing in thousands of new Democrats, desperate to flip a swing seat that former Rep. Bob Dold kept winning. In 2012, Mitt Romney lost the district by 17 points; in 2020, Trump lost it by 30 points. Chicago's northern suburbs have become so safely Democratic that the party could try to keep its current total of 13 seats entirely by drawing them from Cook and the “collar counties” of DuPage, Kane, Lake, McHenry, and Will, which have also swung left. All told, Joe Biden won 2.6 million votes across that region; Trump won 1.2 million votes.

What to watch: How Democrats try to pack the five Republicans into four districts. Freshman Rep. Mary Miller is the least established member of the delegation; Rep. Rodney Davis is the one Democrats have worked hardest to unseat recently; Kinzinger, one of a handful of anti-Trump Republicans, is the one they least want to lose.

But before they get there, Democrats will need to wrestle with yet-unreleased demographic data, which may have undercounted Latino residents in Chicago. Ten years ago, Republicans argued in court than the friendly Democratic map had underrepresented Latinos — only one seat in Cook County is held by a Latino, though Latinos make up a quarter of the electorate. Although a new friendly map would be unlikely to target more than one Republican incumbent — the last map targeted four — Republicans are ready to sue again.

“It's safe to assume that if Democrats go forward as planned, we'll be seeking legal relief,” Durkin said.

In the states

Sean Parnell announces his candidacy for the Republican nomination for Pennsylvania's open U.S. Senate seat, at Cadence Clubhouse in McCandless, Pa., on Tuesday. (Steve Mellon/Post-Gazette/AP) © Steve Mellon/AP Sean Parnell announces his candidacy for the Republican nomination for Pennsylvania's open U.S. Senate seat, at Cadence Clubhouse in McCandless, Pa., on Tuesday. (Steve Mellon/Post-Gazette/AP)

It has been a busy week for conservative veterans-turned-authors-turned-candidates. Sean Parnell, a Republican veteran who narrowly lost a 2020 race against Pennsylvania Rep. Conor Lamb (D), jumped into the state's open 2022 race for U.S. Senate this week, telling a crowd near Pittsburgh that he was again running to “save America.” Lamb is still considering whether to enter the Senate race.

In Ohio, “Hillbilly Elegy” author J.D. Vance launched an exploratory committee for U.S. Senate, after weeks of media hits about the threat of left-wing “Big Tech” censorship. Republican rivals had been expecting him; weeks ago, text messages with no name or identification started going to Republican voters, urging them to look at Vance's 2016 criticism of Trump, whom he said he would not vote for.

2020, Continued

L. Lin Wood wearing a suit and tie: Pro-Trump attorney Lin Wood, a candidate for chairman of the South Carolina Republican Party, holds up a flier funded by his opponent, Chairman Drew McKissick, as he speaks to attendees of the Richland County GOP convention on April 30 in Columbia, S.C. (Meg Kinnard/AP) © Meg Kinnard/AP Pro-Trump attorney Lin Wood, a candidate for chairman of the South Carolina Republican Party, holds up a flier funded by his opponent, Chairman Drew McKissick, as he speaks to attendees of the Richland County GOP convention on April 30 in Columbia, S.C. (Meg Kinnard/AP)

On Saturday morning, South Carolina Republicans will hold a “hybrid” convention, with delegates from all 46 counties meeting at 46 locations, and elect the party's leadership. Party leaders expect Chairman Drew McKissick to win a third term, after a strong cycle where Republicans did better than expected, and because his best-known challenger is Lin Wood, the Georgia attorney whose crusade to overturn the 2020 presidential election evolved into something much stranger.

Wood relocated to South Carolina on Feb. 1, after buying property near Charleston, and jumped into the chairman's race just eight weeks later, saying he would “return power to the people.” McKissick had not joined the forces aligned against Trump — he had scrapped the state's 2020 primary, awarding Trump its delegates — but according to Wood, the chairman had not been “demanding an investigation” of the election, something a stronger leader would do.

McKissick, who was endorsed by Trump before Wood entered the race, has treated the attorney as a nuisance. Wood has worked to prove him right. Campaigning for the job has meant stumping at county conventions, and in Hampton County, Wood interrupted McKissick's speech, first demanding that he recognize Wood's endorsement by Bikers for Trump, then accusing him of an unexplained coverup.

“Talk about pedophilia!” Wood said. “You won't do it, will you, Drew? And I know why!” McKissick blew him off; then, in an exchange widely shared on Twitter, Wood confronted McKissick to imply that he had dirt on him and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R).

“You need to get out of the race now. Nothing can stop what's going to come,” Wood said, his faces inches away from McKissick's.

“Just get your stuff off the Internet,” McKissick said. “You don't know anything.”

The exchange summed up the short campaign, with Wood alternating between dramatic accusations and threats to the “elites” — and talking less about his plans for the party. At campaign stops, he was filmed telling one skeptic that he had “evidence from a whistleblower” that former vice president Mike Pence had committed “treason,” and at another, he assured a crowd that Trump remained president, after secretly invoking the Insurrection Act, so that the military could carry out operations to destroy an elite pedophile network.

“Do you know what they were doing in those tunnels?” Wood told his audience in Mt. Pleasant, near Charleston, referring to a theory that is probably not worth getting into here. “Look up ‘adrenochrome.’ ”

In the race's final weeks, Wood held rallies with pro-Trump conspiracy theorists, organized by Bikers for Trump, similarly light on details about the chairman race but heavily focused on litigating the 2020 election. At a rally in Charleston, Wood was introduced by Trump's former national security adviser Mike Flynn, who told the crowd that “the American people got cheated on Nov. 3” and that Democrats “don't even care that they got caught.” 

Both Wood and Flynn cast doubt on the integrity of the upcoming chairman vote, with Wood urging the crowd to “demand one location” for the convention. Just as “the communists and the globalists and the cheaters,” had stolen the 2020 presidential election, Wood said, the South Carolina GOP could rig the chairman race, adding that the state GOP should “demand an audit” of South Carolina's 2020 vote.

“Donald J. Trump 2021!” Wood said. “We're not going to wait until 2024. We already elected him by a landslide. He is your president. Donald J. Trump is your president! We the people say he's our president.” A week later, Wood and Bikers for Trump held another rally, joined by MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell, where both men speculated that Trump could be put back in office at any moment, without another pesky election.

If the audience members weren't delegates, the rallies won't have gotten Wood any closer to the chairmanship. But they kept Wood busy, testing the market for a theory that Trump not only won in 2020, but will be placed in office before this year is over, with the support of the military. At a debate with other fringe candidates in Columbia, Wood got a skeptical question about the theory that Trump is acting behind the scenes as the legitimate, elected president.

“Why don't you ask President Trump? Have you ever talked to him? I have,” Wood said. “Donald Trump knows exactly who I am.”

South Carolina's party election will be over by Saturday afternoon; the audit in Arizona will not be. The probe of Maricopa County's ballots, which began on April 23 at the state fairgrounds in Phoenix, can remain on the site through June 30. That's a six-week extension past the initial deadline that recall workers, led by the firm Cyber Ninjas, were given for use of an indoor coliseum.

That deadline simply wasn't going to work, with recall liaison Ken Bennett telling the Arizona Republic this week that at most 400,000 of the county's 2.1 million ballots had been audited. For the next week, the ballots will be moved to a new, smaller location on the fairgrounds, one that isn't recommended for use in the summer months; after that, it will return to the coliseum. That comes after plans to canvass voters to check the validity of their ballots were abandoned.

How is the extended audit being paid for? The funding is murky, with the GOP-led state Senate initially appropriating $150,000, and paying $1,000 per day for security. Private donors are contributing at least ten times as much., founded by Trump supporter and former CEO Patrick Byrne, claims to have raised nearly $1.6 million, most of it from Byrne; Voices and Votes, led by OAN contributor Christina Bobb, raised at least $150,000. But there's no requirement for donors to disclose their identities, and Byrne simply did so in a tweet.

Arizona GOP Chair Kelli Ward's Wednesday update on the audit, light on details, warned that “full-fledged national anti-audit disinformation campaign is underway,” and attacked both Secretary of State Katie Hobbs (D) and the Justice Department for “using taxpayer dollars to do the Democrats' dirty work” and engineering an “unconstitutional federal intervention” to supervise the audit. She didn't explain the DOJ's reason for intervening: By taking ballots out of election officials' hands, the audit may be violating federal law.


… 19 days until the special election in New Mexico’s 1st Congressional District

… 26 days until primaries in New Jersey and Virginia

… 40 days until New York Citys primary

… 75 days until the special election in Texas's 6th Congressional District

… 82 days until the special primaries in Ohio’s 11th and 15th Congressional Districts

… 173 days until the special primaries in Florida's 20th Congressional District


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